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The Latina Advantage: Gender, Race, and Political Success, by Christina E. Bejarano
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During the past decade, racial/ethnic minority women have made significant strides in U.S. politics, comprising large portions of their respective minority delegations both in Congress and in state legislatures. This trend has been particularly evident in the growing political presence of Latinas, yet scholars have offered no clear explanations for this electoral phenomenon—until now.
In The Latina Advantage, Christina E. Bejarano draws on national public opinion datasets and a close examination of state legislative candidates in Texas and California to demonstrate the new power of the political intersection between race and gender. Underscoring the fact that racial/ethnic minority women form a greater share of minority representatives than do white women among white elected officials, Bejarano provides empirical evidence to substantiate previous theoretical predictions of the strategic advantage in the intersectionality of gender and ethnicity in Latinas. Her evidence indicates that two factors provide the basis for the advantage: increasingly qualified candidates and the softening of perceived racial threat, leading minority female candidates to encounter fewer disadvantages than their male counterparts.
Overturning the findings of classic literature that reinforce stereotypes and describe minority female political candidates as being at a compounded electoral disadvantage, Bejarano brings a crucial new perspective to dialogues about the rapidly shifting face of America’s electorate.
- Sales Rank: #1934567 in Books
- Published on: 2014-11-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x .75" w x 6.00" l, .66 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 195 pages
Review
"Bejarano brings a crucial new perspective to dialogues about the rapidly shifting face of America’s electorate." (Las Comadres - Books of the Month: June 2014 2014-06-01)
About the Author
Christina E. Bejarano is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Kansas. Her research on Latina/o political candidates and voters has appeared in numerous political science publications.
Most helpful customer reviews
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Run, Mujer, Run!
By Jeffery Mingo
I’m sure we’ve all heard the phrase “All politics is local,” so let me explain how an Illinoisan example led me to read this book. When the Attorney General position for Cook County opened, five candidates ran: two white men, two Black men, and one Latina. Most talking heads said the Latina wouldn’t perform well. To the contrary, she easily won the primary. Instead of only LatinAs voting for her, I assume many LatinO men, people of color, and women of all races voted for her and she won. A book called “Mixed-Race Hollywood” argues instead of biracial actors being marginalized, they’re quite popular because most groups can see themselves in their plural backgrounds.
I’ve said about many green programs that they are too depressing. In emphasizing the extent of the problems, they give the implicit message that there is no solution. This book was the opposite. Political scientists in the 1970s predicted that women of color would face double barriers when it comes to obtaining office. This book proves that’s not true. This book could have been titled “Run, Hermana, Run!” Please understand, the book does not say that numerically more LatinAs are in office than LatinOs. Instead, it states that the percentage of Latino elected officials who are female is far greater than the percentage of white politicians who are female. (By the way, a Cuban-American professor once chewed me out for using the term “Latino male” in paper, saying that it was redundant. That may be true in the Spanish language, but not in English. This book uses the term “Latino male” just like many emerging books do. I also do not see it as crazy if a person is described as a “Latino woman.”)
This book didn’t take long for me to read. However, you may be lost quickly if you are intimidated by advance statistical studies. The great thing about quantitative studies is that if you are lazy, you can skip over the numbers-crunching and go straight to the discussion section. If you never pay attention to graphs and charts, you will do a lot of page skipping here.
This book is wildly different from a book about African-American congresswomen published in the 1990s. That book was qualitative and may borrow much more on “great woman” ideas. This is heavily quantitative. The author avoids candidates’ names for confidentiality reasons. However, if you approach this book thinking you will find out biographical details about the Sanchez sisters or Hilda Solis, then you will be greatly disappointed.
This book juggles a lot of characteristics and this may be confusing to some. It analyzes race, gender, incumbency, term limits laws, party affiliation, composition of voting populations, inter alia. The book suggests that successful LatinA candidates are often more qualified than their competitors. The book, however, never discusses Mommy Track issues. Here in Illinois, talking heads suggest that Lisa Madigan could be governor or senator, but that would mean losing time with her minor-aged children. I took a Women and Public Policy class and in it, it was stated that many women who enter politics are the wives, widows, or other relatives of male politicians. (And this was stated when Mrs. Clinton was the First Lady.) For some reason, those issues are ignored here.
There is a growing field in academia called Whiteness Studies. Although this book is about LatinAs, it really says loads about Caucasian women. According to this book, it’s white women who may vote for women of color even though American voters tend to be very race-loyal when voting. But then again, it said that men of all races are open to voting for women outside of their racial community than they are to vote for a differently-racialized man. I have no standing to doubt the author’s findings, but it saddened me that she asserted that men of color are more gender-rigid than white men. Left-wing law professors screech, “Don’t play the oppression sweepstakes!” However, this book can stand as an example of a way in which women of color are not as feared or mistrusted as men of color.
I am an African American and I am keenly aware that most Black politicians serve districts that are heavily Black. Thus, when asking if a woman of color can obtain office, the question is really focused on gender, rather than race, in communities that are so chocolate-y. This book doesn’t really suggest that LatinAs only run in predominately Latino areas. I guess they are more likely to risk running in majority white districts than African-American candidates do. (And again, that may touch upon the supposed “oppression sweepstakes.”)
I want to bring up the following issue carefully, as I don’t want to be insensitive. In 2006, Congressman Luis Gutierrez was considering running for mayor of Chicago. One of the Chicago newspapers, and I recollect it was the more liberal Sun-Times, stated that while 25% of Chicago residents are Latino, only 9% of Chicago voters are Latino. Again, I really don’t want to be insensitive, but many voting districts have significant numbers of Latinos who can’t vote, either because they are below the age of 18 or because they are here illegally. I really wonder how the size of Latino voting populations affects the chances of Latina candidates. The work occasionally speaks of Puerto Ricans and Cubans, but when two chapters focus on Texas and California, the book may be centered upon Mexican Americans. Again, “all politics is local,” but I wonder how the ethnicity of a Latina candidate can affect voter interest. Maybe that would only occur on the national level. Still, outside of heavily Mexican Southwest, heavily Puerto Rican East Coast, and heavily Cuban Florida, what would happen to Latina candidates? How do they fare if they are Peruvian, Costa Rican, Honduran, etc.?
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